Ogawa argues that clauses and noun phrases are, syntactically speaking, perfectly parallel. He provides a unified theory of clauses and noun phrases, ultimately helping to simplify numerous thorny issues in the syntax/morphology interface.

Chapter One: Introduction and Theoretical Assumptions 1.1. The Issues 1.2. The Minimalist Framework 1.2.1. The Computational Component 1.2.2. Prase Structure Theory 1.2.3. 0-theory 1.2.4. Movement and Checking Theory 1.2.5. Word Order and the LCA 1.3. Outline of the Book 1.4. The Limits of Unification Chapter Two: Verb Raising and Null Complementizers 2.1. Introduction 2.2. Null Complementizers 2.2.1. A Condtion on Null Affixes 2.2.2. Null Complementizers as Null Affixes 2.2.3. Some Notes on Overt Complementizers 2.3. Null Complementizers in Finite Clausal Complements 2.3.1. Overt Verb Raising and Null Complementizers 2.3.2. Tell-class Verbs and iSuggest-class Verbs 2.4. Further Cross-linguistic Data 2.4.1. Chinese 2.4.2. Romance Languages 2.4.3. Germanic Languages 2.4.4. Japanese 2.4.5. Celtic Languages 2.4.6. Arabic Languages 2.4.7. Modern Greek: A Balkan Language 2.4.8. Hungarian: A Finno-Ugric Language 2.4.9. Edo: A Nigerian Language 2.4.10. A Summary 2.5. Null Cs in the Complement of Derived Nominals: A Sketch 2.6. Null Cs in ECM and Control Complements 2.7. Wh-Movement and Control Complements 2.7.1. Null Cs in Interrogative Clauses 2.7.2. Null Cs in Complement of Tough Adjectives 2.7.3. Wh-Movement through [Spec, C] and Null Cs 2.7.4. Interrogative Clauses in Complement Positions 2.7.5. Deriving Cheng's (1991) Generalization 2.7.6. Null Cs in the Root Clauses 2.7.7. Null Cs in Relative Clauses 2.7.8. A Summary 2.8. Null Complementizers in Raising Complements 2.8.1. The CP-Status of Raising Complements 2.8.2. NP-movement through [Spec, C] 2.8.3. The Complement of Allege-class Verbs 2.9. Some Loose Ends 2.9.1. Placement Modifiers 2.9.2. No Null Cs in Factive Complements 2.9.3. Null Cs in Subjunctive Complements 2.9.4. Some Comments on the "IP Hypothesis"of That-less Clauses 2.10. Conclusion Chapter Three: Derived Nominals and Their Satellites 3.1. Introduction 3.2. Null Cs in the Complement of Nominals 3.2.1. Null Cs in the Complement of Derived Nominals 3.2.2. Cps in Apposition to Nonderived Nominals and Their LF Movement 3.3. N Is a Structural Case Marker 3.4. Syntactic Nominalization: Evidence from Various Causative Constructions 3.4.1. Backward Binding in Clauses and Lack of Causative Nominals 3.4.2. The Double Object Construction and Lack of Distransitive Nominals 3.4.3. Causitive/Inchoative Alternation 3.4.4. Speech Act Verbs 3.4.5. A Summary 3.5. Nz Is the Nominal Counterpart of the Light Verb 3.5.1. Be and Have Cannot Be Nominalized 3.5.2. Neither the Light Verb nor the Nominalizer Can Select PP 3.5.3. Morphological Realizations of Verbilizers and Nominalizers 3.6. Verbs, Derived Nominals, and Nonderived Nominals 3.6.1. Diagnostics for Distinguishing Three Types of Derived Nominals 3.6.2. Parallelisms between Simple Event Nominals and Middle Verbs 3.6.3. The Derivation of Result Nominals 3.6.4. Sentential Complements to Nouns 3.6.5. The Derivation of Verbal Gerunds 3.6.6. A Summary 3.7. Conclusion Chapter Four: The Komplementizer in Noun Phrases 4.1. Introduction 4.2. The KP Hypothesis 4.2.1. A'-movement in NP and Case Alternation in Hungarian 4.2.2. The Co-occurrence of Determiners and Possessors 4.2.3. Pronominal Shift 4.2.4. Distribution of Phi-features 4.2.5. Case Particles 4.2.6. A Summary 4.3. The Case Adjacency Effects 4.3.1. Johnson (1991) 4.3.2. Problems with Johnson's Analysis 4.3.3. Koizumi (1993; 1995) 4.3.4. Potential Problems with Koizumi's Analysis 4.3.5. Chomsky (1995) 4.3.6. Potential Problems with Chomsky's Analysis 4.3.7. A Final Remark 4.3.8. A Morphological Approach to the Case Adjacency Problems 4.4. Concluding Remarks Chapter Five: Conclusion References Index

Yoshiki OgawaResearch Assistant in the Department of English Linguistics, Tohuku University, Japan